It’s been a while since the Capitol has played host to a fervent protest over AIDS funding. But earlier this month, conservative members of Congress and big-name right-wing activists assembled on the terrace of the Cannon House Office Building to denounce a Democratic bill that would expand U.S. AIDS efforts abroad. As one activist on hand put it, the legislation was nothing less than “a plan to destroy the African people.”
Such is the new politics of congressional AIDS relief. Five years after President Bush won approval for his ambitious plan to increase U.S. aid for fighting the spread of AIDS in Africa and the rest of the developing world, the program stands as perhaps his most enduring foreign policy success. It also has been a rare point of bipartisan accord on foreign policy in Congress.
But after Bush kept his requested future funding for the program flat — at an average of $6 billion annually — congressional Democrats dug in for a confrontation with the White House. Claiming to have science on their side, Democrats, led by the late House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Tom Lantos of California, have offered wide-reaching changes to the plan at the behest of family-planning groups, seeking, for example, to do away with requirements for spending on abstinence education and to allow work with prostitution groups. They also proposed to more than triple Bush’s original funding request, to $50 billion, over the next five years.
And in short order, Congress’ consensus on the issue unspooled. Republicans attacked the Democrats’ proposed changes, particularly for what its streamlined family-planning provisions, which they say could open the door to providing U.S. money for abortion providers overseas.
Such rhetoric drives home the risks inherent in the decision to trigger a partisan confrontation over AIDS funding now. It would have been simple enough, after all, to continue down the easy road: Extend a popular program in an election year, double its funding, hand out the credit and go home. But it’s also true that Democrats are feeling restive on this issue; some, indeed, are spoiling for a fight, after a year of legislative initiatives largely thwarted by the White House and congressional Republicans.
The President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, known by its acronym PEPFAR, has provided $18.8 billion to prevent HIV and treat AIDS overseas, while also disbursing funds to fight the spread of malaria and tuberculosis. The AIDS funds represent the biggest investment ever in fighting a single disease. Congress got on board shortly after Bush announced the plan in his 2003 State of the Union address. Lantos and Illinois Republican Henry J. Hyde, then chairman of the House International Relations Committee, forged a fragile compromise that satisfied public health advocates and anti-abortion constituencies alike.
The so-called Mexico City policy, which prohibits U.S. funding of overseas groups that promote or provide abortion, would not apply to the program: PEPFAR instead allows some money to go to family planning groups with long standing — on the condition that they spend it on HIV/AIDS services. In exchange for signing off on the family planning aid provisions, social conservatives got the law to designate one-third of the HIV prevention money for abstinence education, with an effort aimed at giving grants to faith-based groups. Smith wrote an additional provision that instituted the ban on funds and services for sex workers.
For international AIDS activists, the 2008 reauthorization of PEPFAR presented an ideal opportunity to loosen these restrictions — as did, of course, the Democratic majority in Congress. “The weight of the evidence and the weight of the field experience is by far in our favor,” said Jodi Jacobson, director of advocacy at the American Jewish World Service and one of the new plan’s strongest backers.
Jennie Quick, governmental affairs manager at Population Services International, likewise contends that the political moment is ripe for the Lantos plan. “Some of the differences that we have are ideological, and that’s not going to change,” she said of the partisan split. “The fact that the American people have put the Democrats in the majority in Congress is a sign that they want Democrats to move forward with their agenda.”